| ABSTRACT
The full extent of employee expectations in an employment
relationship is often fraught with situationally
dependent ambiguity and unspoken gender-specific
expectations. Since the 1960’s, several theorists
have sought to explain employee behavior in context
of the perceived exchange relationship between employer
and employee. While a substantial body of research
explores the construction and consequences of the
psychological contract in the civilian context,
little research has been conducted to explore the
effects of the psychological contract in the military
environment; especially as it relates to the development
of post-traumatic stress disorder. This paper examines
the influence of schemas, mental models, and psychological
contracts resulting from past experiences in the
deployment outcome of three female soldiers. The
paper makes recommendations for future research
and proposes as methodology for exploring the influence
of psychological contracts in resilience, self-remediation,
and deployment outcome of other female soldiers.
Schemas, Mental Models, and Psychological
Contracts in Female Soldiers in Iraq
Ending her shift on a mountaintop near midnight
in northern Iraq, Sergeant Kayla Williams (2005)
doesn’t feel tired. So, she decides to visit
her friend, Matt, in the COLT Signals Intelligence
(SIGINT) Operations Center where he works. The center
is typically dark as she enters, so Williams moves
closer to see the person on watch to whom she would
be speaking. Usually two or more operators are on
duty at all times. This time, however, only one
person is present, and it is not Matt. Noting how
odd this is, she questions the person on watch regarding
Matt’s whereabouts. He responds that he had
not awakened Matt for his shift. Feeling awkward,
Williams engages in small talk as she prepares to
leave. As her eyes become accustomed to the dim
lighting, Williams is surprised to see the male
soldier’s pants are open and he is apparently
in the process of masturbating. As Williams turns
to leave, she feels a hand on her wrist. The soldier
begins to pull her hand towards his penis. Williams
pulls hard to release his grip while uttering that
she is not interested, but the soldier is far stronger
than she is. She begins consciously reviewing her
courses of action. A thought goes through her mind
that she never previously thought possible; she
had been provided a weapon to protect herself from
the enemy, but now she might have to use it against
one of her own to protect herself. She could also
awaken Matt and others by screaming, but then she
would appear weak and unable to handle situation
herself. Suddenly, she reflects back to being sexually
assaulted at the age of 13. She begins to think
how much more intelligent, stronger, and able to
resist now than she was then. As she continues to
physically resist, Williams (2005) argues, “Think
of your girlfriend … Shouldn’t you be
thinking of her.” However, he argues in return,
“No one has to know.” As Williams resists
with all her might, the soldier inexplicably releases
his grip. Williams quickly retreats to her vehicle
and leaves.
The remainder of that night, Williams anguishes
in her bunk over what to do. In her mind, female
soldiers are viewed as either sluts or bitches by
their male counterparts, referring to those who
voluntarily engage in sex with the male soldiers
and those who do not. If she reports the incident
for formal investigation, she knows she will be
viewed as a traitor to those with whom she works
and upon whom she depends for survival. If she doesn’t
report the incident, the perpetrator will be free
to commit similar acts on other females who are
not as old and not as experienced she was. As morning
dawns, Williams speaks about the incident with her
Staff Sergeant. Fearing the repercussions of a formal
investigation, Williams agrees to an administrative
handling of the incident. A few days later, the
perpetrator is transferred. Unfortunately, the traumatic
repercussions do not end with his transfer.
Nearly a month later, Williams is on watch as
another male soldier begins speaking with her about
the incident. However, in his version, Williams
was not the victim, but instead she was the instigator.
The soldier suggests all of the other soldiers with
whom she worked believe the story as related by
the perpetrator is true. Williams’ life began
to spiral out of control. Wrought with anxiety,
depression, and a feeling of betrayal, Williams
survives day-by-day, and moment-by-moment. She withdraws
socially from the others in her unit except Matt.
He is the only other person she feels as though
she can rely upon for support. However, Matt too
begins to be psychologically affected by all of
the experiences around him. Many of the other men
in her unit begin to make rape jokes when Williams
is present. In retrospect, Williams (2005, p. 214)
thought to herself, “[T]he guys I considered
my friends were treating me like a girl. I was a
piece of ass, a bitch or a slut or whatever, but
never really a person.” Depressed and despondent,
Williams even contemplates suicide to end the pain.
The weight she was barely able to maintain on her
petite frame begins to melt away. Despite the weight
loss, however, she does not feel hungry. Fortunately,
her unit is relocated to a larger area soon afterwards,
and she is able to reunite with her friend Zoe.
This move, arguably, saves Williams’ life.
On February 8, 2004, Williams returns safely home
from Iraq, but the term, safely, is relative.
Far too often, the phrase, “returned safely
home,” refers to safety in a physical context.
However, safety should reflect the holistic biological,
psychological, and sociological (biopsychosocial)
wellbeing, especially when that wellbeing is disrupted
by feelings of betrayal and perceived violations
of one’s psychological contract in a stressful
life-threatening environment. It is argued that
it is in such situations mutuality matters most.
For Williams’s, any perception of mutuality
was lost in this environment. Increased research
of predeployment psychological contracts, schemas,
and mental models of both genders needs to be conducted
to better care for the holistic wellbeing of deployed
forces.
Post-deployment research and empirical data largely
reflects the narrow position that post-deployment
post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in combat
is exclusively the result of traumatic experiences
and operational stress resulting from actions of
the adversary. However, additional research should
be performed regarding PTSD resulting from own-force
violations of psychological contracts and betrayal
trauma, especially among female service members.
This article will discuss the foundations of the
schemas, mental models, and psychological contracts
and will explore violations of psychological contracts
of through the lenses of three female soldiers deployed
to similar environments.
Discussion
Recent studies (Heck, Schweitzer & Seidel-Wiesel,
2004; Hall & Salmon, 2002; Hattie, Myers &
Sweeney, 2004; Nabkasorn, Miyai, Sootmongkol, Junprasert,
Yamamoto & Miyashita, 2006) provide empirical
evidence of the systematic relationship between
a person’s biological, psychological, and
sociological (biopsychosocial) self and his or her
holistic wellbeing. Additionally, research (Tansey,
Mizelle, Ferrin, Tschopp, Frain, 2004) supports
the relationship between the biopsychosocial system
and a person’s perception, cognition, and
behavior. Harkening back to Darwinian Theory members
of all species are innately predisposed towards
behavior that ensures survival of self. Assuming
an evolutionist lens, then, the human mind is innately
predisposed to formulate propositions that would
enable survival of self.
People are also seen as being resilient and innately
predisposed to develop adaptive solutions to overcome
traumatic or stressful experiences. However, the
biological and psychological resources necessary
for resilience are not infinite. Thus, biopsychosocial
resources must be identified, prioritized, and optimized,
which often results in stress as the person struggles
with benefits and consequences of his or her choices
and the limitations of resources. Stress disrupts
to the body’s normal equilibrium. Within the
context of the present discussion, research (Tansey,
Mizelle, Ferrin, Tschopp, Frain, 2004) finds not
all stress is undesirable. For example, the biopsychosocial
benefit of short-term stress is seen to enable task
accomplishment. However, long-term stress potentially
causes lasting detrimental biopsychosocial consequences.
A substantial body of empirical data (Freeman, 2002;
Padgett & Glaser, 2003; Kunz-Ebrecht, Kirschbaum
& Steptoe, 2004) supports the harmful biopsychosocial
effects of prolonged long-term stress. Empirical
data finds overproduction of cortisol, triggered
by stress response, can lead to sub-clinical inflammation,
adrenal burnout, memory loss, and premature aging.
It is suggested, then, as a strategy for self-survival,
a person will subconsciously adjust the component
parts of his or her biopsychosocial self in a life-sustaining
effort to find an equilibrium to reduce harmful
long-term stress. The following section will correlate
this assertion to the major theories of human development.
Maslow’s Hierarchy
of Needs
Maslow (1968) postulates a pyramid of six deficiency
needs followed by two growth needs.
In progression to the pinnacle of self-transcendence
(spiritual needs), an individual must achieve and
maintain satisfaction of each of the underlying
six deficiency needs – physiological,
safety, belongingness, esteem, cognitive, and aesthetic
– and the growth need of self-actualization
(in Pervin, Cervone, & John, 2005). Satisfaction
of these levels is not, however, static. Rather,
satisfaction is dynamic and relative to the perceived
relationship of the individual to his or her current
environment. In other words, attainment of a level
of needs is not inextricably assured; changes in
an individual’s life or environmental circumstances
may cause stagnation or regression, resulting in
the need to reacquire any of the six phases. In
fact, a person might ascend and descend the hierarchy
of needs several times in his or her lifetime. This
foundational thought is crucial to understanding
deployment to a combat environment. As the traumatic
stress intensifies, the level at which a person
operates regresses until it reaches a previously
acquired level of perceived safety. While Wahba
and Bridwell (1976) found little evidence to support
Maslow’s assertions for the existence or ranking
of needs, other researchers (Nohria, Lawrence, &
Wilson, 2001) find the hierarchical theory pivital
to understanding human development.
Piaget’s Theory
Piaget (1983; Beilin, 1992) conceptualizes a person’s
understanding of reality in relationship to specific
chronological stages in his of her life. Specifically,
Piaget postulates during the first two years of
life, the person is engaged in the sensorimotor
stage. During the sensorimotor stage, the infant
experiences sub-stages: development of reflexes
(birth to 6 weeks), development of habits (6 weeks
- 4 months), coordination between vision and prehension
(i.e., taking control, grasping, or seizing) (four
- nine months), development of logic and the coordination
between means and ends (9 – 12 months), discovery
of new means to meet goals (12 – 18 months),
and the beginnings of insight, or true creativity
(18 months – 2 years).
Following the sesorimotor stage, the child enters
into the preoperational stage (2 –
7 years), in which he or she learns symbolic functioning,
centration, intuitive thought, egocentrism, categorization
or serialization, classification, and the inablility
to conserve. From seven to eleven years of age a
person undergoes the concrete operational stage
in which he or she learns the use of logic. During
the concrete operational stage, the person
learns to view reality from another person’s
perspective. From 11 years of age through adulthood,
the person experiences the formal operational stage
in which he or she develops his or her ability to
think abstractly and make conclusions from the available
information. Piaget himself, however, found assignment
of stages to age to be relative and subject to individual
experiences.
Erikson’s Theory
Erikson (1950, 1964, 1968, 1974), alternatively,
postulates human development in eight distinct stages
which might be succinctly conceptualized as the
oral-sensory, muscular-anal, locomotor, latency,
adolescence, young adulthood, middle adulthood,
and maturity stages, in which one learns
hope, will, purpose, competence, fidelity, love,
caring, and wisdom respectively. Interestingly,
Erikson postulates the outcome of each discrete
stage is based on outcome of internal conflict.
Thus, the Erikson Theory relates favorably to the
development of personality traits and locus of control
based on life experiences. During the oral-sensory
stage (birth-1 year of age) a person learns trust
versus mistrust. During the muscular-anal stage
(1-3 years), a person learns autonomy versus
self-doubt. In the locomotor stage (3-6 years),
a person learns independence and initiative
versus inadequacy. During the latency stage
(6-12 years), a person learns industry versus
inferiority. During adolescence (12-18
years), a person learns identity versus confusion
and learns the importance of peer relationships.
In young adulthood (18-40), people grow through
love relationships learning intimacy versus
isolation. Unfortunately, this is also the
chronological timeframe in which many service members
currently experience the trauma and stress associated
with combat. The relationships he or she experiences
are pivotal to life-long perception, thoughts, feelings,
emotions, and behavior in social and intimate relationships.
During middle adulthood (40-65 years), a person
struggles with generativity versus stagnation.
Finally, from 65 years until his or her death (maturity)
a person struggles with integrity versus
despair; reflecting on earlier experiences
and behavior.
Theoretical Analysis
While the included theories are fundamental to
the understanding of basic psychology and human
development, each of the theories has acquired both
proponents and opponents. Largely, opponents argue
human development cannot be conceptualized into
contrite age-related categories. Taken as a whole,
however, the theories provide important points of
intersection, such as the relevance of both nature
and nurture, the foundational importance of family
relationships in early development, the diminishing
importance of family and increasing significance
of peer relationships in developmental evolution,
the progression from family to peer relationships
in the development of trust, and the perceived importance
of the psychological contract in human development.
As envisioned by Maslow, ascendancy of the pyramid
of human needs is not inextricably assured; rather
a person might ascend and descend the pyramid several
times during his or her lifetime. Additionally,
PTSD researchers and clinicians (van der Kolk, McFarlane,
& Weisaeth, 1996; Scaer, 2005) argue traumatic
experience and prolonged stress might result in
developmental stagnation or regression toward an
earlier attained stage of relative safety. In conceptualization
then, trauma is reflective of a person’s individualized
beliefs and perception of reality, or psychological
contract, with important others. Given that people
are innately driven to survival, he or she develops
coping strategies, or schemas, to ensure survival.
Unfortunately, because of limited competence, learning,
or experience, however, some schemas might later
prove to be maladaptive and, as such, require subsequent
modification.
Schema Theory
Some theorists (in Pinker, 2002) suggest the human
mind is born as a blank slate, devoid of
any preconceived abstractions of reality or strategies
for survival. Other theorists (in Pinker, 2002)
suggest people are born with an embryonic conceptualization
of his or her environment and primitive strategies
for survival derived from biology or perhaps evolution.
Regardless, as a person evolves from his or her
natal state, he or she develops preconceived models
and strategies for interacting with his or her environment.
Researchers and clinicians (Public Health Service,
n.d.) have repeatedly found response to new experiences,
rather than resulting from a myriad of disparate
biologically-, psychologically-, and sociologically-grounded
responses, is instead a systematic biopsychosocial
response derived from a highly complex, individually
derived algorithm of the myriad of factors, such
as self-esteem and optimism, reflecting the person’s
perception of self in relationship to his or her
environment and his or her ability to influence
that relationship. The ability to influence his
or her situation might be based upon analysis, experiences,
beliefs, or faith. Recently, a large-scale cross-sectional
survey (Curlin, Sellergren, Lantos, & Chin,
2007) of 2,000 practitioners, for example, reaffirmed
the asserted importance of religiosity and spirituality
in patient’s holistic biopsychosocial wellbeing.
Seventy-six percent of the respondents indicated
that he or she believed a patient’s religiosity
or spirituality helped him or her cope with often
life-threatening illness and, in some cases, influence
the physical outcome.
Schema Development
Unfortunately, reanalysis of all of the diverse
factors required to analyze, understand, and respond
each time new experiences are encountered would
be, at best, time-consuming. Additionally, finite
perceptual, cognitive, and responsive capacities
argue for the need for preconceived or pre-established
analytical models and strategies to reduce systematic
demands each time a similar experience is encountered.
Consequently, theorists (Young, 1990, 1999; Young,
Klosko, & Weishaar, 2003) postulate people rely
upon a system of mental models and associated schemas
to view, analyze, and respond to his or her environment.
Schemas then are the underlying connections by
which new experiences and information are contrasted
with a person’s prior knowledge to create
a new understanding of reality (McCarthy, 1991;
McCarthy & Carter, 1994). Without proper schemas,
a person cannot extract meaning from new experiences.
Initially rudimentary, embryonic schemas in infants
accommodate the first of Maslow’s levels of
needs – physiological needs. However, as the
infant evolves and begins to acquire new data from
experience, the schematic architecture increases
in both height and breadth to enable a person to
function with a greater degree of automaticity.
The Schematic Architecture
Generalizability is found in the vertical dimension,
in which a person increases his or her global perspective
based upon the perceived relationship between new
experiences. However, as new information is obtained
through education and experience relevant to specific
experiences, the schematic architecture increases
in breadth. In either case, creation of new schemas
is not static. While durable and relatively resilient
once formed (Young, 1991, 1994), schemas are subject
to modification, or even deletion based upon new
information and need.
Rather than entering the schematic architecture
at a specifically applicable schema, new information
is seen to enter the architecture in a top-down
approach; descending from the global level until
level suitable schema for contrast and response
is found. Note, schemas employed in exigent or stressful
circumstances are not necessarily the best schema
for the task, but rather the first suitable schema
that will potentially result in favorable outcome
(Young, 1991, 1994). Based upon outcome of the selected
schema(s), the schematic architecture might then
undergo the processes of accretation, tuning,
or restructuring. Accretation occurs
when new information is assimilated without altering
the overall schematic architecture. Schemas inadequate
to suitably accommodate the new information are
modified in a process of tuning. Restructuring occurs
when schemas are found to be wholly unsuitable or
major inconsistencies exist between existing schemas
and the new information.
The Mental Model
The mental model is a learned process
composed of schemata derived from biopsychosocial
and environmental stimuli that traverse well beyond
schema theory to include perceptions of task demands
and task performances. Right or wrong, once recalled,
the mental model helps to identify which information
is most important for the task, what can be ignored
or discarded, and how to interpret that information.
Most importantly, theorists and researchers (Young,
1990, 1999; Young, Klosko, & Weishaar, 2003)
argue a mental model does not need to be in the
conscious mind to influence subsequent cognition
and behavior. In some instances, recall may be subconscious
and applied to a situation without conscious awareness
of it.
Psychological Contracts
Generally, a contract is a legally enforceable
promise-based mutual exchange between two or more
parties (Cornell Law School, n.d.). Over the past
two decades, however, researchers (Robinson &
Rousseau, 1994; Robinson & Morrison, 1995, 2000;
Herriott, Manning, & Kidd, 1997; Rousseau &
Tijoriwala, 1999; Rousseau, 2001) have studied the
effects of the psychological contract on worker
perception, cognition, and behavior. Originally
conceptualized in 1960 (Argyris, 1960), researchers
such as Rousseau (1989, 1995, 1996a, 1996b, 2001;
Robinson, Kratz, & Rousseau, 1992) suggest a
psychological contract is comprised of subjective
beliefs a person holds regarding the exchange agreement
between himself or herself and the organization
(Rousseau, 1989). Realizing that all aspects could
not possibly be accounted for in the formal expressed
contract, the psychological contract is, then, a
subjective conceptualization of the unexpressed
obligations of the organization and what he or she
owes in return. Because psychological contracts
involve subjective employee beliefs of the reciprocal
obligations between themselves and their employers,
Rousseau (1995) suggests they can be viewed as foundational
to the functionality of the exchange relationship.
Rousseau and other researchers have then explored
the effect violation of a psychological contract
has on employee wellbeing (Robinson, Kratz, &
Rousseau, 1994). Understanding how military indoctrination
and post-enlistment socialization shape formulation
and maintenance of the psychological contracts of
military members, especially as related to gender,
age, and sociocultural affiliation, is relatively
embryonic. However, it is suggested greater understanding
can be achieved by analyzing contemporary research
of schemas, promises, and perceptual accuracy in
interpersonal interactions.
Thomas and Anderson (1998), for example, studied
the concept of psychological contracts among British
Army recruits. One of the few studies of the effect
of psychological contract in the military context,
Thomas and Anderson (1998) found recruits formed
increased expectations of job security, social and
leisure time, effect on the family and accommodation
within eight weeks of entry into the military; the
converse of similar studies of employees in a civilian
environment. However, with longevity, the recruits
aligned more closely with reality.
Factors Potentially Influencing
Psychological Contracts
Gender
Perceived roles are pivotal to how people view
other people (Kidder & Parks, 2001). Roles also
create expectations of expected behaviors, especially
with regards to gender roles. However, multiple
roles often result in dissonance in self-assessment
and assessment of others. In the present discussion,
roles of interest include gender roles
versus professional roles; specifically the convergence
and divergence of the two roles in female versus
male soldiers deployed in Iraq.
Gender roles reflect sociocultural expectations
of appropriate gender-related behavior. As a general
rule, people are expected to behave in accordance
with societal expectations (Brehm, Kassin, &
Fein, 2005). Deviation might be expected to result
in negative outcome (Kidder & Parks, 2001).
Gender roles might also be greatly influenced by
perception by the person of in-group or out-group
affiliation, affected by, or resulting from, perceived
psychological contract breaches or violations.
While gender and professional roles often provide
divergent expectations, they might also provide
points of intersection where gender roles overflow
into unspecified breadth of the psychological contract
of both the employer and employee regarding the
scope of professional duties. Socially correct or
not, sterotyping continues to pervade the professional
environment (Kidder & Parks, 2001). Males and
females continue to predominantly categorize professions
according to gender roles (Kidder & Parks; Bielby
& Baron, 1986). When an occupation, such as
the military, continues to be predominantly occupied
by one gender or the other, gender becomes relevant;
resulting in stereotypical representation and polarization.
Empirical data (Kidder & Parks, 2001) suggests
people conceptualize general beliefs of themselves,
often referred to as self-schemas (Markus, 1977).
These abstractions then influence his or her perception
of others and relevance to his or her environment.
Individuals with greater gender-related self-schema
are predisposed to negatively view gender-inconcruent
behavior. This assertion is grounded in the social
learning theory, which argues incursion by
the non-traditional gender disrupts the status
quo. Thus, because of the threat to uniquely
male identity, male soldiers are likely to be biased
against female soldiers in the traditionally male
combat environment (Williams & Relly, 1998).
This phenomenon is not, however, uniquely male.
Studies (in Kidder & Parks, 2005) have noted
negative perceptions by both male and female persons
towards females endeavoring to perform traditionally
masculine duties.
Empirical data (Seymour & Buscherhof, 1991;
Kidder & Parks, 2001) also finds females are
perceived as possessing greater altruism than males.
This assertion is supported by a wide body of research
(Anderson, 1993; Belansky & Bogianno, 1994;
Eagly & Wood, 1991). Thus, combat-related duties
would appear counterintuitive. Whereas females are
stereotypically associated with nurturing and helping
behaviors, males are associated with behaviors associated
with professions of greater physicality and risk.
Kidder and Parks (2001) also suggest, whereas females
demonstrate greater externalization and are not
adverse to requesting assistance from males and
perhaps, to a lesser extent, other females, males
are conditioned to internalize concerns and emotions
and oppose requesting assistance from females. This
conditioning might prove problematic in an exigent
or operationally stressful combat environment.
Socioculturalism
Perhaps the perceived empirical ambiguity and
disparity results from the contrite biological definition
of gender, rather than a more holistic biopsychosocial
model of gender definition suggested by Gilbert
(1992). Thus, rather than a question of whether
biological gender, in itself, influences psychological
contract, then, perhaps the salient questions might
be, (a) To what degree does the sociocultural society
in which the person was raised value relationships?,
and; (b) What are the socioculturally assigned roles
of males and females? Chubb, Fertman, and Ross (1997)
questioned the influence on adolescent females'
sense of self or feelings of a society that values
empowerment of society values autonomy and separation
versus one that values relationships. The researchers
found the two important psychological constructs
that influence many aspects of the adolescent's
life, including perception, cognition, and behavior,
are self-esteem and locus of control.
Self-esteem
Harter (1990, p. 225) suggests self-esteem reflects
the degree to which a person “likes, accepts,
and respects himself [or herself] as a person.”
Rosenberg (1985) offers that a person with low self-esteem
tend to experience lower life satisfaction and greater
external locus of control, anxiety, resentment,
irritability, loneliness and depression. Conversely,
high self-esteem is associated with increased internal
locus of control, professional success, and higher
income (Griffore, Kallen, Popovich, & Powell,
1990). Thus, the person with low self-esteem would
perceive greater control by others and less power
and authority from himself or herself. Conversely,
a person with high self-esteem would perceive greater
control, power, and authority in relationship to
his or her environment.
Locus of control
One of the most widely researched variables in
recent cognitive and behavioral research has been
locus of control -- the generalized internal and
external expectancy of reinforcement (Strickland,
1989). Internal locus of control refers
to the expectation that reinforcement is the result
of one's own effort, ability, characteristics, or
behavior. Alternatively, external locus of control
is the expectation that reinforcement results from
chance, fate, luck, serendipity or other persons.
While some studies (Cairns, McWhirter, Duffy &
Barry, 1990) suggest females have greater external
locus of control than males, other studies (Adame,
Johnson & Cole, 1989; Dellas & Jernigan,
1987) have not noted significant differences. A
study by Chubb, Fertman, and Ross (1997), which
sought to explore gender differences in these constructs
during high school, for example, did not find a
significant difference in locus of control between
males and females. These findings support the findings
of other researchers (Adame et al., 1989; Archer
& Waterman, 1988; Dellas & Jernigan, 1987).
Thus, additional research is warranted.
In a study by Pilisuk, Montgomery, Parks, and
Acredolo (1993), the researchers found a supportive
network and a sense of control tends to build confidence
in one's capacity to cope both with external stressors
and with illness. The relationship was found to
be stronger in males than females. Thus, empirical
data regarding the influence of gender on empowerment
and locus of control, from which psychological contracts
are constructed, is indeterminate.
Violation of psychological
contracts
Similar to other forms of schemas, a psychological
contract is relatively sacrosanct once established
(Rousseau, 2001). As such, it is considered both
stable and durable. Psychological contract violation
occurs when an employee perceives that the organization
has failed to fulfill one or more of subjective
obligations included in the psychological contract
(Rousseau & Parks, 1993). Within the military
context, violation of the psychological or social
contract results in distrust in leadership and the
absence of a feeling of group belonging, which are,
in turn, associated with psychological distress
in combat environments (Steiner & Neuman, 1978).
Intrinsic to the violation of a psychological contract
in the military context is the perception of
locus of control and, therefore, perceived
influence, power, and authority the organization
and its leadership holds over the individual. Within
the military context, these terms are often used
without explicit specificity of meaning. For the
purposes of this article, power is defined as the
potential influence the military and the individual’s
chain of command have over a military member’s
attitudes and behavior, and the influence the military
member has on the attitudes and behavior of others.
Case Study
Researchers exploring psychological contracts
focus greatly on the influence of past perceptions
(Robinson & Morrison, 2000) in formulation of
psychological contracts and expectations for future
experiences. The following cases will examine this
assertion in relationship to the outcomes of three
female soldiers deployed to similar environments.
Kayla Williams
Born in 1976 to an authoritarian mother from an
affluent family lineage and an often angry father
who she suggests resented her birth, Kayla Williams
(2005) asserts the only person she could rely upon
during her adolescence was herself. Only one-year
of age, Kayla’s parents separated and eventually
divorced. During early childhood, Kayla’s
mother ensured she attended the finest schools.
However, by age nine, financial setbacks began to
drastically alter her circumstances. Three years
later, feeling like an outcast in public school
because of her advanced education, Kayla began wearing
combat boots and associating with “high school
punks and dropouts.” Williams (2005) suggests
association with this group gave her an identity.
At 13, Kayla ran away from home, finding herself
on the streets with a 15-year-old paranoid runaway
with a Mohawk.
Finally landing in a house with neo-Nazi’s,
she was found to have a picture of a Black friend.
With fear of bodily harm (Williams, 2005), Kayla
returned to her mother’s house. A short time
later, however, Kayla’s mother forced her
to leave after finding evidence she was using drugs.
Kayla returned to Kentucky to live with her father.
Afraid he too would make her leave, Kayla began
to conform to rules, graduated high school, and
enrolled in college. Overwhelmed, however, Kayla
dropped out of college in her first year.
Working as a secretary, Kayla began feeling rejected
by her heroin-using friends. Kayla relates in her
book (Williams, 2005) about sexism, discrimination,
and domestic violence even among her punk friends.
However, she did not succumb to peer pressure. Rather,
Kayla relied upon self-sufficiency, internal locus
of control, and high conscientiousness personality
facets. Determined to rise above adversity, Kayla
enrolled Bowling Green State University at age 20,
from which she graduated cum laude. At
22, the self-reliant Kayla was employed by a public
television cooperative and owned her own house.
Feeling the need for personal growth, however, Kayla
joined the Army in 2000.
Because of Kayla’s demonstrated aptitude
for foreign languages, she was sent to the Defense
Language Institute in 2000 for an intense indoctrination
in the Arabic language, graduating in February 2002.
In February 2003, Kayla’s unit was deployed
to Iraq as a forward-deployed signals intelligence
(SIGINT) specialist. Throughout her book (Williams,
2005), Kayla describes the trauma and stress associated
with deployment in remote Iraq. She describes in
graphic detail the cognitive dissonance associated
with balancing the need to perform military duties
and the difficulties associated with being a female
in a male-dominant environment under the extremes
of risk, operational stress, and tedium -- an environment
in which females are often viewed as a highly desirable
commodity in an environment of male machismo. Williams
(2005) embodies the female desire to assimilate
into the group seen as fundamental to personal survival.
She elucidates well an environment in which male
and female hormones surge under operational stress
in a constrained environment. Kayla also conceptualizes
the psychological contract under which male and
female soldiers operate in country –
very different from the preconceived psychological
contract. Williams’ (2005) book also well
elucidates the evolution of her psychological contract
throughout her deployment. In the final chapter
of her book, Williams (2005, p.279) recalled, “In
Iraq, I figured out there was no option for me to
do anything but push myself…and keep pushing.”
On February 8, 2004, Williams returned from deployment,
converting her journal into an award-winning book
about being a female in Iraq, Love my rifle
more than you (Williams, 2005).
Alyssa Peterson
On Sept. 15, 2003, Army Specialist Alyssa Peterson,
27, an Arabic-speaking Human Intelligence (HUMINT)
Collector and devout Mormon, committed suicide at
Tal-Afar in northwest Iraq near the Syrian border
after objecting to interrogation techniques used
on prisoners and refusing to go to work for 2 days.
Coworkers offer that she vehemently objected to
the aggressive interrogation practices used -- practices
quite different from those she had learned at Fort
Huachuca.
After objecting to her supervisors, Alyssa was
assigned to supervise Iraqi guards. However, there,
too, Williams experienced cognitive dissonance as
she was repeatedly counseled not to reveal that
she spoke or even understood Arabic. The altruistic
Peterson became noticeably silent and withdrawn;
however, she was not placed on suicide watch. During
this period, Peterson’s unit was required
to attend mandatory combat stress and suicide prevention
training. In her final note, Peterson suggested
it was ironic that the training she received for
suicide prevention would provide her with the information
she needed to take her own life.
Prior to entering the Army, Peterson had earned
a Bachelor of Science in psychology and had attended
the Flagstaff Institute of Religion, a theological
training institute for Mormons. Her professors offer,
while there, Williams appeared to be a highly intelligent
person who frequently questioned life in relationship
to religion. In the 1998, after completing three
years of undergraduate course work, Peterson, then
21, insisted on performing missionary work for 18
months in the Netherlands. In the process, Peterson
mastered Dutch. Simultaneously, Peterson cared for
the grandparents of Sergeant First Class Denis Colbert
of Fort Huachuca, Arizona. Colbert offered that
Peterson questioned him at length about questions
about the life in the Army, and the duties of an
Army linguist. Alyssa returned to Flagstaff in 2000
to complete her final year at Northern Arizona University.
In 2001, Colbert was surprised to see Peterson sitting
in one of his interrogator instruction classes at
Fort Huachuca. Following graduation, Peterson volunteered
to exchange assignments a fellow soldier who did
not want to go to Iraq.
On the Fallen Heroes message board on
the Internet, fellow service members who knew Alyssa
offer that she was “an inspiration.”
During the 16-month course of instruction to learn
Arabic, she persevered through persevered through
setbacks, discouragements, and disappointments.
Some suggest the most memorable and inspirational
component of Alyssa's character was her faith in
God.
Fellow soldiers acquainted with Alyssa in Iraq
(U.S. Army, 2003) suggest she had a difficult time
separating her personal feelings and beliefs, from
her professional duties. It is clearly impossible
at this point to obtain a personality profile, such
as the NEO-PI-R. However, by the accounts of those
soldiers who knew Peterson, she would have been
expected to score highly on the Openness, Agreeableness
and Conscientiousness scales; especially warmth,
positive-emotions, aesthetics, feelings, ideas,
values, trust, altruism, modesty, tender-mindedness,
competence, order, dutifulness, achievement striving,
self-discipline, and deliberation, by the accounts
given by those who knew her. Peterson’s experiences
in Iraq would be contrary to her established morals,
ethics, and values, which might be expected to result
in anxiety, stress, and depression. Ultimately,
cognitive dissonance proved greater that her biopsychosocial
resources.
Lynndie England
Specialist Lynndie England served in the 372nd
Military Police Company and has become arguably
the most infamous of the Army reservists convicted
of abusing prisoners at Abu Ghraib. Her notoriety
demonstrates well the significance of gender role
when women are evaluated in a male-dominated environment
or vice-versa. England, born on November 8, 1982
in Ashland, Kentucky, was found guilty of inflicting
sexual, physical, and psychological abuse on Iraqi
prisoners of war and became the poster child of
the Abu Ghraib scandal by posing for a photograph
while holding a leash attached to the neck of naked
Iraqi. On September 26, 2005, England was convicted
of one count of conspiracy, four counts of maltreating
detainees and one count of committing an indecent
act. She was acquitted on a second count of conspiracy.
England was sentenced to three years for her crimes
and given a dishonorable discharge. She is now serving
at the Naval Consolidated Brig Miramar in San Diego.
The daughter of a railroad worker, Lynndie England
grew up in a trailer on a dirt road behind a saloon
and near a sheep farm in Fort Ashby, West Virginia,
a small town approximately 13 miles south of Cumberland.
In school, the diminutive England was known for
wearing camouflage fatigues and combat boots. After
graduating from Frankfort High School in 2001, she
worked as a cashier in an IGA grocery store and
later at a Pilgrim’s Pride chicken processing
factory. However, England quit Pilgrim’s Pride
in protest of ethics and code violations.
To broaden her horizons, England joined the Army
Reserves at age 17 in 2001. In 2002, England married
a fellow IGA coworker. While at Fort Lee, England
met fellow reservist Specialist Charles Graner,
15 years her senior. During her Court-Martial, the
defense described England as a quiet girl, not knowing
anyone at the Reserve Center before meeting Graner,
who was gregarious and assertive. The shy England
finally felt as though someone was paying attention
to her. Smitten, England divorced her first husband
and became engaged to Graner.
England’s mother offers that her first impressions
of Graner were filled with concern regarding his
arrogance and foul attitude. She suggests her daughter
was totally dominated by him and she dutifully complied
with all of his commands regardless how perverted
of demeaning. She also offers that Graner was obsessed
with capturing each of these events on film, which
would lead to the downfall of himself and others.
In June 2003, a group of about 20 soldiers, including
England and Graner, were sent to Iraq. During a
period of intense insurgent activity in October
2003, the unit was sent to Abu Ghraib. During the
day, snipers took aim at the guards. At night, insurgents
launched mortar attacks. The guards, unable to communicate
with the prisoners, were confronted by defiant acts
and chanting. Not assigned to Tier 1A, England’s
defense counsel argued she would frequently visit
the area to visit Graner for support, during which
he would induce her to participate in the acts photographed.
During the course of the deployment, England became
pregnant with Graner’s child. After the news
broke regarding the Abu Ghraib abuse, she was returned
to Fort Bragg, North Carolina, five months pregnant.
During England’s court martial, the prosecution
described Lynndie as exhilarated with the abusive
behavior. However, a psychologist for the defense
described her as being overly compliant. The defense
suggested she was a fearful small-town girl who
found herself in a place surrounded by violence
and infatuated with a volatile, manipulative sociopath
who she relied on as her protector. England repeatedly
argued that she was instructed by persons in higher
ranks to commit the acts of abuse for pschological
reasons. The defense offered during the court martial
that England, too, felt confused when the chain
of command approved the abusive actions.
Lynndie England embodies the complexity and multiplicity
of psychological contracts. Exploited by Graner
prior to deployment, male dominance became the norm
by which England formed her psychological contract.
In a threatening male-dominant environment, surrounded
by Arabic males with whom she could not communicate,
but had been advised were the worst criminals in
Iraq, England embodies the very essence of the study
of gang psychology (Brehm, Kassin, & Fein, 2005),
in which members relinquish individual schemas in
favor of group schemas to increase the probability
of survival. In the biopsychosocial context, adoption
of group schema occurs with a high degree of automaticity
to reduce cognitive dissonance and stress.
Conclusions
The psychological contract appears to operate
as a biopsychosocial set point, in which
a person operates on a continuum from elation to
depression dependent upon how he or she sees, thinks,
feels, and reacts to his or her situation. The prevailing
assertion is that, over the long-term, individuals
tend to seek equilibrium -- a natural state of wellbeing.
However, short-term wellbeing is largely the response
to environmental influences. In analysis of two
large-scale studies, Lucas (2007) found emotional
equilibrium is greatly affected by life’s
stressful challenges. Lucas (2007) suggests the
degree to which people return to equilibrium, and
the time required to return to equilibrium is greatly
influenced by the significant event itself. For
example, the average time required to return to
relative equilibrium because of a death of a loved
one is seven years. However, divorce and loss of
employment often leave a person permanently scarred.
It is suggested, the reason for the disparity in
extent and time is because of the individual’s
perceived external locus of control over the outcome
of the event, loss of self-esteem (i.e., inability
to meet and maintain perceived expectations), and
perception of psychological betrayal (both of himself,
herself and others involved).
Lucas (2007) suggests the results of two large-scale
studies suggest, “Although happiness levels
are moderately stable over time, this stability
does not preclude large and lasting changes.”
Further, Lucas (2007) suggests, “happiness
levels do change, adaptation is not inevitable,
and life events do matter.” A person confronted
by violations of his or her psychological contract
either reframes his or her perceptions, adjusts
his or her expectations, changes his or her schemas
and mental model, or remains inextricably mired
in misery (Diener, Lucas, & Scollon, 2006; Young,
1990, 1999). The influence of psychological contract
violation is evident in the cases of Kayla Williams,
Alyssa Peterson, and Lynndie England.
Future Directions
Sophisticated methodologies should be developed
to assess how psychological contract influences
adaptation to an exigent male-oriented environment
to develop a clear gender-specific picture of the
psychological contracts and the violations to which
people can and cannot adapt. Lucas (2007) suggests
adaptation might be physiological and psychological.
Physiological adaptation might be to reduce the
psycho-emotional response to the offending stimulus
or stimuli. Psychological response might be to reframe
the perspective of events that have one’s
life. It is suggested, however, that adaptation
might be physiological, psychological, or sociological
or a combination of all three realms; this redefining
the nature of one’s relationship to others
as a means of adaptation. Future research should
then strive for greater understanding of the processes
that underlie hedonic adaptation of the psychological
contract as a venue to more adaptive coping strategies.
Finally, researchers and clinicians (Young, 1990,
1999; Scaer, 2005) have found that, consistent with
the perception of reality, coping strategies are
individual specific and rely greatly upon the individually
assigned support system. To the extent of a person’s
perception of locus of control, he or she relies
upon the support and assistance of others. The empirical
data resulting for the previous recommendations
should lead to a Department of Defense (DOD)-sponsored
effort to proactively amplify adaptive thoughts,
feelings, and behavior and attenuate factors found
to be foundational to maladaptive psychological
contracts, thereby fostering adaptive coping strategies.
Suggested Assessment Methodologies
Psychological contracts are conceptualized to
be beliefs people hold regarding the terms and conditions
of the exchange agreement between himself or herself
and the organization (Rousseau, 1989, 1995; Millward
& Brewerton, 2000; Shore & Tetrick, 1994).
Thus, the psychological contract is a highly individualized
perception of the verbal promises made between a
person and the organization for which he or she
is accountable. Robinson and Morrison (2000) conceptualize
a five-question instrument to operationalize psychological
contract breach. Representative statements of potential
concern are: “Almost all of the promises by
my employer during recruitment have been kept so
far”, “So far, my employer has done
an excellent job of fulfilling its promises made
to me”, “I feel betrayed by my organization”,
“I feel that my organization has violated
the contract between us”, and “I feel
extremely frustrated by how I have been treated
by my organization.” The participant responds
using a seven-point Likert-like scale from “Strongly
agree” to “Strongly disagree.”
As a point of entry, researchers (Rousseau, 1989,
1995; DeVos, Buyens, & Schalk, 2003) argue the
psychological contract provides a point of debarkation
for people to actively interpret new experiences,
form expectations, and make predictions or prognostications.
Alterations in the psychological contract at specific
points along the continuum from entry to a point
six-months to a year from entry (Rousseau, 1989,
1995). Rousseau (1989, 1995) suggests this initial
period of organizational entry and socialization
is characterized by sense-making, in which the person
comes to interpret, understand, and respond to his
or her new employment environment. DeVos et al.
(2003) suggests the sense-making process is critical
to the development of attitudes and behaviors (Bauer,
Morrison, & Callister, 1998; Morrison, 1993a,
1993b; Saks & Ashforth, 2000). The importance
of sense-making is directly correlated to the degree
of uncertainty. During the socialization period,
knowledge gained from experience results in contract
and expectation revisions (Rousseau, 1989, 1995,
2001; Shore & Tetrick, 1994).
DeVos et al. (2005) suggests the divergence of
experiences versus expectations might even reach
a level of reality shock; during which,
strategic coping strategies assume greater importance
to accommodate the cognitive dissonance associated
with the divergence between perceived promises,
expectations, and interpretation of new experiences.
The outcome of the sense-making period, then, helps
a person align his or her expectations in line with
reality, which, in turn, potentially reduces feelings
of broken promises and unmet expectations. The process
of psychological contract revision is, then, analogous
to the schematic processes of accretation, tuning,
and restructuring.
Thomas and Anderson (1998) found British recruits
increased expectations of job security, social and
leisure time, effect on the family and accommodation
within eight weeks of entry into the military. Rousseau
(1995, 2001) and DeVos et al. (2005) argue the person
undergoes a process of schematic revision six months
to a year from the point of entry. Therefore, the
points of survey should be: (a) immediately prior
to deployment; (b) eight to twelve weeks following
deployment commencement, and; (c) upon return from
deployment, which should optimally be 12 months
after commencement of deployment.
In a longitudinal study investigating the development
of psychological contract breach and violation,
Robinson and Morrison (2000) put forth 11 hypotheses.
Of these, five were supported and are considered
salient to understanding psychological contract
breach and violation in the military context, including:
(a) Perceived contract breach will be more likely
to the extent the organization’s performance
has declined or fallen short of the person’s
expectations; (b) Perceived contract breach will
be less likely to the extent the employee experienced
a formalized socialization process; (c) Perceived
contract breach will be less likely to the extent
the employee interacted with representatives of
the organization prior to being hired; (d) Perceived
contract breach will be more likely to the extent
that the employee has a history of perceived contract
breach in past relationships, and; (e) Perceived
contract breach will be more likely to the extent
that the employee had employment alternatives at
the time of hire.
Variables of interest would include gender, age,
and number of previous deployments, personality
traits, prior trauma, guilt, and locus of control.
Additional research might include PTSD assessment
to correlate psychological contract violation, betrayal
trauma, and PTSD.
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